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Paul Robin Krugman (pronounced /ˈkɹuːɡmən/1; born February 28, 1953) is an American economist, columnist, author and intellectual.2 He is a professor of economics and international affairs at Princeton University, and a columnist for The New York Times. In 2008, Krugman won the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences "for his analysis of trade patterns and location of economic activity".34 Krugman is well-known in academia for his work in international economics, including trade theory, economic geography, and international finance.
BiographyKrugman was born into a Jewish family and grew up on Long Island in New York. He is married to Robin Wells, a fellow professor at Princeton, his second wife. They have no children.56 Krugman says that his interest in economics began with Isaac Asimov's Foundation novels, in which the social scientists of the future use "psychohistory" to attempt to save civilization. As psychohistory does not currently exist, Krugman turned to economics, which he considered the next best thing.7 Economics careerKrugman earned his B.A. in economics from Yale University in 1974 and his Ph.D. from MIT in 1977. From 1982 to 1983, he spent a year working at the Reagan White House as a staff member of the Council of Economic Advisers. He taught at Yale University, MIT, UC Berkeley, the London School of Economics, and Stanford University before joining the faculty of Princeton University in 2000. He is a member of the Group of Thirty international economic body and the Council on Foreign Relations. When Bill Clinton came into office in 1993, he considered Krugman for a leading post; Krugman was flown out for a meeting in Arkansas. Krugman's outspokenness was reported to be "the main reason the Clinton administration didn't offer him a job."8 Krugman says he would not have been interested in such a job; he told Newsweek, "I'm temperamentally unsuited for that kind of role. You have to be very good at people skills, biting your tongue when people say silly things."8 In his New York Times blog, Krugman repeated that statement, saying that he was "temperamentally unsuited to politics".9 Nobel PrizeKrugman was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, the sole awardee for 2008. This award, created in 1968 by the Swedish central bank in Alfred Nobel’s memory, includes a prize of about $1.4 million and was awarded to Krugman for his work associated with New Trade Theory.1011 In the words of the prize committee, "By having integrated economies of scale into explicit general equilibrium models, Paul Krugman has deepened our understanding of the determinants of trade and the location of economic activity."12 Academic contributionsPaul Krugman has done extensive work in international economics, including work on international trade, economic geography, and international finance. According to the Research Papers in Economics project, he is among the 50 most influential economists in the world today.13 Krugman's International Economics: Theory and Policy, co-authored with Maurice Obstfeld is a standard introductory textbook on international economics. He also writes on economic topics for the general public, sometimes on international economic topics but also on income distribution and public policy. He is generally considered a neo-Keynesian economist,14 with his views outlined in his books such as Peddling Prosperity. International trade theoryAs the Nobel Prize Committee explains, Krugman's main contribution is to analyze the impact of economies of scale in international trade. Prior to Krugman's work, trade theory (see David Ricardo and Hecksher-Ohlin model) emphasized trade between countries with very different characteristics, like a poor country exporting agricultural goods to a rich country in exchange for industrial products. However, in the 20th century, an ever larger share of trade occurred between countries with very similar characteristics. For example, the Nobel committee mentions Sweden exporting Volvo cars to Germany while Germany exports BMW cars to Sweden. Krugman's explanation of trade between similar countries was proposed in a 1979 paper in the Journal of International Economics. He assumes that consumers prefer a diverse choice of brands, and that production favors economies of scale. Consumers' preference for diversity 15 explains the survival of different versions of cars like Volvo and BMW. But because of economies of scale, it is not profitable to spread the production of Volvos all over the world; instead, it is concentrated in a few factories and therefore in a few countries (or maybe just one). This logic explains how each country may specialize in producing a few brands of any given type of product, instead of specializing in different types of products. Most models of international trade nowadays follow Krugman's lead, incorporating economies of scale in production and a preference for diversity in consumption. This way of modeling trade has come to be called New Trade Theory. When there are economies of scale in production, it is possible that countries may become 'locked in' to disadvantageous patterns of trade.16 Nonetheless, trade remains beneficial in general, even between relatively similar countries, because it permits firms to save on costs by producing at a larger, more efficient scale, and because it increases the range of brands available and sharpens the competition between firms.17 Therefore, Krugman has usually been supportive of free trade and globalization18, and critical of industrial policy. (He writes on p. xxvi of his book The Great Unraveling that "I still have the angry letter Ralph Nader sent me when I criticized his attacks on globalization.") On a lighter note, in 1978, Krugman wrote The Theory of Interstellar Trade, a tongue-in-cheek essay on computing interest rates on goods in transit near the speed of light. He says he wrote it to cheer himself up when he was 'an oppressed assistant professor'.19 Economic geographyIf trade is largely shaped by increasing returns to scale, as Krugman's trade theory argues, then those economic regions with most production will be more profitable and will therefore attract even more production. That is, Krugman's trade theory implies that instead of spreading out evenly around the world, production will tend to concentrate in a few countries, regions, or cities, which will become densely populated but also have higher levels of income.20 This forms the basis of Krugman's theory of economic geography, which he began to develop in a 1991 paper in the Journal of Political Economy.21 International financeBesides his work on international trade, Krugman has also been influential in the field of international finance economics. In 1979 he published a model of currency crises in the Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking showing that fixed exchange rate regimes are unlikely to end smoothly: instead, they end in a sudden speculative attack. Krugman's paper is considered one of the main contributions to the 'first generation' of currency crisis models.22 Krugman predicted problems with the fixed exchange rates in East and Southeast Asia, and Thailand's economic policies before the 1997 East Asian financial crisis, and also criticized investors such as Long-Term Capital Management whose profits depended on the maintenance of fixed exchange rates prior to the 1998 Russian financial crisis.citation needed He also advocated aggressive fiscal policy to counter Japan's economic depression in the 1990s, arguing that the country was mired in a Keynesian liquidity trap.23 Income distributionIn the 1990s, Krugman increasingly focused on writing books for a general audience on issues he considered important for public policy. In The Age of Diminished Expectations and The Conscience of a Liberal, he especially wrote about the increasing US income inequality in the "New Economy" of the 1990s. He attributes the rise in income inequality partly to changes in technology, but also partly to the weakening of the welfare state. Other contributionsIn the early 1990s, he helped popularize the argument made by Laurence Lau and Alwyn Young, among others, that the growth of economies in East Asia was not the result of new and original economic models, but rather increased capital and labor inputs, which did not result in an increase in total factor productivity. His prediction was that future economic growth in East Asia would slow as it became more difficult to generate economic growth from increasing inputs.citation needed Author and journalistKrugman wrote first for Fortune and Slate, later for The Harvard Business Review, Foreign Policy, The Economist, Harper's, and Washington Monthly. Krugman said that to answer what he called Pop Internationalism, "I would have to write essays for non-economists that were clear, effective, and entertaining."24 Since January 2000, Krugman has contributed a twice-weekly column to the Op-Ed page of the New York Times, which has made him, in the words of the Washington Monthly, "the most important political columnist in America... he is almost alone in analyzing the most important story in politics in recent years — the seamless melding of corporate, class, and political party interests at which the Bush administration excels."25 In 2007, he began supplementing his Times column with a blog. In introducing it, he wrote, "Many of the posts will be supplements to my regular columns; I’ll be using this space to present the kind of information I can’t provide on the printed page – especially charts and tables, which are crucial to the way I think about most of the issues I write about."2627 In September, 2003, Krugman published a collection of his columns under the title, The Great Unraveling. Taken as a whole, it was a scathing attack on the Bush's administration's economic and foreign policies. His main argument was that the large deficits generated by the Bush administration—generated by decreasing taxes, increasing public spending, and fighting a war in Iraq — were in the long run unsustainable, and would eventually generate a major economic crisis. The book was a best-seller.282930 In 2007, Krugman published The Conscience of a Liberal. The book is a history of wealth and income gaps in the US in the 20th century. The book documents that the gap between rich and poor declined greatly in mid-century, then widened in the last two decades to levels higher than those in the 1920s. Most economists (including Krugman) have regarded the late-20th century divergence as resulting largely from changes in technology and trade, but Krugman writes that government policies had played a much greater role both in reducing the gap in the 1930s through 1970s and in widening it in the 1980s through the present. He rebuked the Bush administration for policies that currently widen the gap between the rich and poor. Krugman proposed a "new New Deal", which included placing more emphasis on social and medical programs and less on national defense.31 The book was praised in outlets such as The New York Review of Books,32 In 2008, amid the subprime mortgage crisis in the US, Krugman predicted that housing prices would drop 25% overall and up to 50% in locations such as Miami or Los Angeles.33 Krugman has appeared several times as a guest on MSNBC, particularly since the onset of the economic crisis in September 2008. He has repeatedly expressed his view that Alan Greenspan and Phil Gramm are the two people most responsible for causing the crisis.34 Political viewsKrugman is a self-described liberal. His choice of the book title "The Conscience of a Liberal" is a play on Barry Goldwater's "Conscience of a Conservative" He is an ardent critic of the George W. Bush administration and its foreign and domestic policy. Krugman has sometimes advocated free markets in contexts where the American left condemns them, by writing against rent control35, and that "sweatshops" are an inevitable reality18. He has likened the opposition against free trade to the opposition against evolution via natural selection.36 Unlike many economic pundits, he is regarded as an important scholarly contributor by his peers.3738 He has written over 200 scholarly papers and 20 books—both academic and non-academic.39 Krugman has written in opposition to increasing farm subsidies40, ethanol mandates and subsidies/tax breaks41, manned NASA space flights42, and has written against some aspects of European labor market regulation4344. CriticismThroughout his career as a columnist, Krugman has been highly critical of what he regards as dubious economic ideas, such as: strategic trade and its main exponents, Robert Reich, whom he called "offensive" and Lester Thurow whom he called "silly,": protectionism, with attacks on Pat Buchanan on the Right and Ralph Nader on the Left; a return to the gold standard as promoted by editorial writers in the Wall Street Journal; and especially supply-side economics, which he described as economic "snake oil" in Peddling Prosperity. He has frequently been criticized in turn by exponents of these ideas; the journalist James Fallows spoke of his "gratuitous spleen," and Clinton commerce secretary Jeffrey Garten complained that "He behaves like someone with a massive chip on his shoulder."45 Personal criticism of Krugman by his targets became especially widespread during the George W. Bush administration. A November 13, 2003 article in The Economist 46 reads: "A glance through his past columns reveals a growing tendency to attribute all the world's ills to George Bush…Even his economics is sometimes stretched…Overall, the effect is to give lay readers the illusion that Mr Krugman's perfectly respectable personal political beliefs can somehow be derived empirically from economic theory." Krugman's critics have accused him of employing what they called a "shrill" rhetorical style.254748 Economist J. Bradford DeLong and other Krugman supporters responded by creating the website Shrillblog, claiming that Krugman critics such as Andrew Sullivan ultimately came to agree with the substance of Krugman's criticisms, and to adopt a similarly "shrill" tone in their discussions of the Bush Administration.citation needed Economist Daniel B. Klein published during 2008 a paper in Econ Journal Watch, of which he is the chief editor, that reviews and criticizes Krugman's columns for the New York Times. Klein contends that Krugman's "social-democratic impetus sometimes trumps people's interests, notably poor people's interests... Krugman has almost never come out against extant government interventions, even ones that expert economists seem to agree are bad, and especially so for the poor." (Klein specifically mentions that Krugman has not spoken in favor of school vouchers, ending the minimum wage, or abolishing the FDA.)49 Another frequent critic of Krugman's arguments is Donald Luskin. In the 2008 Presidential campaign, Krugman came under criticism from supporters of Barack Obama, then a candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination, as a result of his perceived preference for Hillary Clinton.50 EnronKrugman was one of many economists to serve as a consultant for an advisory board for Enron; he did this in 1999, being paid $37,50051 before New York Times rules required him to resign when he accepted an offer to be an op-ed columnist in in fall of 1999. He stated later the consulting was to offer "Enron executives briefings on economic and political issues," and that it had required him to "spend four days in Houston."51 When the story of Enron's corporate scandals broke, critics accused him of having a conflict of interest and the job of having been a bribe to control media coverage, charges he denies forcefully, referring to it as "a game of gotcha" and "tabloid journalism." He states that the payment from Enron did not "cause me to write anything I would not have written otherwise" For one thing, he says, he was not a journalist at the time: "when Enron approached me there was no hint that a Times connection lay in my future. As soon as I shook hands with the Times, I resigned from that board." Further, his "normal fee for a one-hour business speech in Boston or New York was $20,000 - more if the speech involved long-distance travel. The Enron board required that I spend 4 days in Houston"; thus the sum involved was not large, in his view. He says that in columns written before and after the scandal, he disclosed his past Enron relationship when he wrote about the company.5152 He was critical of the company: he was one of the first writers to argue that deregulation of the California energy market had led to market-manipulation by energy companies (in a column in the New York Times on December 10, 2000 called "California Screaming"); Enron was the largest in this market - "I have been criticizing Enron since January 2001, long before everyone else started bashing the company." 53 He writes in The Great Unraveling (p. 26) that
Awards
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Academic publications (edited or coedited)
Economics textbooks
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